Decoded: The Science Behind Why We Buy
by Phil Barden
A
summary of the original text.
Decoded, summarized by arrangement with
John Wiley & Sons, Inc., from Decoded: The Science Behind Why We
Buy by Phil Barden. © 2012 by John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
In this summary...
·
Empower yourself and everyone on your team to harness the
latest scientific knowledge about customer behavior and apply it to everyday
marketing work.
·
Unlock the underlying principles of purchase decisions
by understanding the two systems driving consumer decisions: the autopilot and
the pilot.
·
Learn how to trigger the six implicit goals that
motivate human behavior: security, enjoyment, excitement, adventure, autonomy,
and discipline.
·
Discover how to influence consumer decision making by
increasing the "reward" consumers feel when they buy, while also
decreasing their "pain."
·
Improve your marketing efforts by leveraging three
meta-principles that help to optimize decision interfaces: tangibility,
immediacy, and certainty.
Decoded
In marketing, the goal is to
influence purchase decisions. But what really drives those decisions? Decision
science helps to answer this crucial question by uncovering the underlying mechanisms,
rules, and principles of decision making. It allows us to see what really
drives purchasing behavior, and how to apply these insights to maximize the
benefit to marketing.
For example, in a study on the
neural bases of decision making, German neuroeconomist Peter Kenning and his
associates looked at brain scans of people who had been shown photographs of
pairs of brands. These photos either included the person's stated favorite
brand or did not. Every time they were shown one of the photographs, each
person was told to choose a brand to buy.
There were two main findings:
·
First,
when the favorite brand was included, the brain areas activated were different
than when two non-favorite brands were exposed. When the favorite brand was
present, the choice was made instantly and the brain showed significantly less
activity in areas involved in reflective thinking, an effect
the scientists named "cortical relief." Instead, brain regions
involved in intuitive decision making were activated. In other
words, strong brands enable intuitive and rapid decision making without
thinking.
·
Second,
the cortical relief effect occurs only for the individual's number one brand.
It isn't enough to be in the target consumer's consideration set to enable this
intuitive decision making.
Intuitive decision making is
what enables a shopper to make purchase decisions in milliseconds. But it's not
only about brand and product purchases; it is even relevant when it comes to
numerical logic. Psychologist Daniel Kahneman poses the following simple
question:
A baseball bat and a ball cost
$1.10 together. The bat costs $1 more than the ball.
How much does the ball cost?
Nearly everyone answers that
the ball costs 10 cents. This intuitive response is incorrect. The ball
actually costs only 5 cents. Something in our brain leads most of us,
intuitively, to give an incorrect answer to this apparently simple calculation.
This intuition is based on the
ease of perceiving the split of the 1.10 price tag into two chunks of $1 and 10
cents respectively. Doing the actual calculation is much harder for our brain,
and most of us don't bother because the 10-cent answer feels right.
Using examples like these,
Kahneman investigates how decisions are influenced through psychological
processes. By bridging psychology and economics, Kahneman's work results in a
major opportunity to exploit the full explanatory power of consumer decision
making that the combination of both approaches provides.
The core of Kahneman's
framework, for which he was rewarded with the Nobel Prize, is the distinction
between two systems of mental processes that determine our decisions and
behavior.
·
System 1 integrates perception and intuition. It's always
running. It's very fast, processes all information in parallel, and is
effortless, associative, and slow learning. It is made for fast, automatic,
intuitive actions without thinking.
·
In
contrast, System 2 is slow, works step-by-step, and takes up a
lot of energy, but has the benefit of being flexible. It enables us to make
reflective, deliberate decisions. It is made for thinking.
The experiment cited earlier
that revealed that brands induce "cortical relief" shows that strong
brands are processed in System 1. In fact, the hallmark of a strong brand is to
activate System 1 and circumvent System 2 processing. Weak brands, by contrast,
activate System 2 — that is, consumers have to think about the purchase
decision.
Subjectively, we do not usually
experience that there are two separate systems at work and, in the end, we make
one coherent decision.
A useful metaphor for how the
two systems work together is to see System 1 as an autopilot and
System 2 as a pilot.
The pilot is responsible for
tasks that require flexible decision making, such as take-off and landing and
when a problem occurs, whereas the autopilot is responsible for all the
decisions that can be made automatically.
As long as there are no
problems, the pilot relies on the processing of the autopilot for the entire
flight without really knowing what is going on in the autopilot. None of the
workings of the autopilot are transparent to the pilot. The autopilot works implicitly, whereas
the decisions of the pilot are explicit.
When we learn something for the
first time, the pilot is engaged. Then, with repetition and based on the
experience, we develop intuition and the processes become automated and,
consequently, more efficient. For example, we become driving experts to the
point that we sometimes wonder how we even got to work because we did not pay
conscious attention to our driving throughout the entire journey.
The underlying learning process
is the same in general, for doctors, chess masters, agency creatives, and even
consumers since they have a lot of experience with seeing advertising and of
buying and using the products.
Once we have sufficient
experience, and have developed our intuition, the pilot system comes into play
only when we face new problems or something we have not experienced before. If,
on our way to work, the road we normally use is closed due to construction, we
suddenly have to think about what detour to take. In this situation, we
probably turn down the radio or end our phone conversation because we need to
concentrate.
For marketers, it's crucial to
understand these two systems, as they determine purchase decisions across all
categories, industries, brands, and products. So let's look further at how the
autopilot and the pilot work.
The autopilot processes a huge
range of information, not only that on which we focus but also the contextual
information in the environment. When we are in front of a shelf in the
supermarket, our autopilot processes much more than just the product on which
we are currently focusing: other products on the shelf, the shelf layout,
colors, interior design, light levels in the store, music, and much more.
Similarly, when we visit a Web
site, our autopilot processes the page layout, colors, design, and content over
and above that which we're looking at.
The autopilot processes every
single bit of information that is perceived by our senses. It has a huge
processing capacity of 11 million bits per second, roughly the size of an old
floppy disk. So each second, our senses deliver 11 million bits to the
autopilot — no matter whether we're aware of this input or not.
Every input is processed by the
autopilot and can potentially influence our behavior. One study shows that when
we visit Web sites, the autopilot will derive a first impression within less
than one second — and this impression strongly influences our subsequent
behavior.
Comparing this with the very
limited capacity of the pilot system, the superiority of the autopilot becomes
obvious. A classic finding in cognitive psychology is that the upper limit of
our working memory, which is the basis for the pilot to do its thinking, is
seven chunks of information — such as numbers, letters, words, or faces — which
amounts to roughly 40-50 bits in the case of numbers or letters.
This limited capacity of the
pilot is the reason why we find it difficult to remember phone numbers that
exceed seven digits. It is also why, if we were to reflectively think about
every purchase decision in the supermarket, it would take so long to do our
shopping that we would starve to death. Even if we wanted to decide
reflectively, our very limited capacity constrains us from doing so.
What's more, the time that
people typically spend with advertising media also shows that most processing
does not involve the slow pilot system:
·
Ads in
popular magazines: 1.7 second
·
Ads in
trade journals: 3.2 seconds
·
Mailing:
2 seconds
·
Banner
ad: 1 second
This makes it clear that most
marketing communications need to deliver their core messages within seconds. Given
the time that would be required to reflectively process all the information in
an ad, it is obvious that very little of this will be processed by the slow
pilot system.
The autopilot processes
everything that is perceivable in the environment at any given moment in time,
even without focused attention. We've all experienced the power of the
autopilot in action without our focused attention in the so-called
"cocktail party effect." While fully engaged in conversation at a
loud party, we nevertheless immediately notice if someone around us mentions
our name.
This phenomenon occurs because
our autopilot is constantly processing everything, no matter whether we are
focusing on the information or not. So if we manage to use this high bandwidth
efficiently in our marketing communications, then our messages can have
significantly more impact.
What does the autopilot do with
all the input it receives? It's used for learning. But the way the autopilot
learns is not the way we learn in school; rather it is based on associative
learning.
The principle underlying
associative learning is: "What fires together wires together."
Neuropsychology shows that our brains build associative connections between
signals when they appear at the same time or space and when this simultaneous
appearance happens repeatedly over time. If something happens to us once, it's
probably a random occurrence; but if the same thing happens regularly, then our
brain starts to learn it, as it has a high probability of occurring again.
Neural cells, which repeatedly fire together, get wired together more and more
tightly.
If, as children, we smell
freshly brewed coffee and a few minutes later the family gathers together in
the same room and we experience this several times, a link is created between
this smell and the concept of "companionship." If we see our parents
making a pot of coffee when they have to work, we build the association of
"work" with coffee. So when we grow up, it just feels natural, and
intuitive, to drink coffee at work.
The brain does not store
information individually like a computer, but instead organizes the world into
neural networks where everything is interconnected, which is why this type of
memory is also called "associative memory." So when we think of
coffee, not only is companionship activated, but so is everything else that is
associated with companionship, such as cake.
The autopilot needs about
10,000 hours' experience of a specific topic before intuition develops fully.
It is not sufficient to see our parents make a cup of coffee once while at
work. Rather, we need to experience this very often for the autopilot to
establish a strong connection between work and coffee.
Once established, this
intuitive knowledge enables rapid decision making. Experienced cardiologists
simply have to look at an ECG to see the relevant patterns. They just know what
to do intuitively.
Consumers are experts as well.
Their autopilots have spent more than 10,000 hours in consuming products and
brands, making purchase decisions, and being exposed to advertising all day
long.
How does this work? How do the
autopilot and pilot interact when we buy? Let's look at an example.
In an experiment on scent,
people entering a shopping mall were exposed to different kinds of aromas, such
as baking cookies or roasting coffee beans. On their way through the mall they
encountered someone who pretended to need help in picking up items they'd
dropped. The people who had been exposed to the aroma of baking cookies were
more likely to help than those who hadn't. The test subjects were not aware of
the scent when they entered the mall, but this signal influenced their
behavior.
As Kahneman explains, the
principle at work is the "framing effect." Framing is a key concept
in understanding how decisions are made. Understanding this principle leads to
a comprehension of how the autopilot and pilot come up with an integrated
purchase decision together.
If you look at two small gray
squares in the center of two larger squares, they appear to be different sizes
and shades of gray depending on the frame. If a small gray square is enclosed
in a darker square, it seems lighter and bigger than an identical square framed
within a lighter square. Simply put, the frames change perception.
Similarly, the scent of cookies
framed the perception of the experience in the mall and thereby influenced
behavior. This framing happens implicitly. We are not aware of its influence,
but it changes our perception and, hence, changes our decisions.
This is how the autopilot and
pilot work together. The autopilot provides the frame, and the pilot focuses on
the figure. Together, they create how we experience the world and build the
basis for our decision making.
This framing effect is crucial
for marketing. Framing explains how brands influence purchase decisions: Brands
operate as the background, framing the perception and, with it, the experience
of the products.
Framing explains the real
equity of brands for selling products. This framing effect of brands increases
the perceived value and the willingness to pay a premium price — even for
objectively identical products and services. In the UK, Virgin Mobile has
higher perceived network quality and satisfaction scores than T-Mobile despite
the fact that it uses the exact same network.
Similarly, it is unlikely that
in a blind test consumers would be able to judge a difference in taste or
quality of a Starbucks coffee versus its competitors. Nevertheless, people are
willing to pay a significant price premium for the frame that the brand and the
outlet provide. This implicit value that the frame adds is exactly what is
meant by the intangible asset we call "brand equity."
The Virgin Mobile example
indicates that framing works not only for tangible products like coffee, but
also for intangibles such as network quality. In fact, one can argue that
brands as frames for products are especially important for intangible offers
like services, high-speed Internet, or content because quality and value are
hard to judge, and even harder to compare, in these cases.
Framing influences perception
even when our other senses are telling a different story. For example, in an
experiment, consumers were given a vanilla pudding that had been made to look
brown by using tasteless food coloring. When the consumers were asked to
describe how it tasted, most of them described the taste of chocolate. They all
subjectively experienced what they implicitly expected, misled by the
appearance of the pudding.
Subjects in a related study who
believed they had been given standard coffee showed an increased pulse and
heart rate even if they had, in fact, been given decaffeinated coffee. This
explains the difference in performance experienced by consumers when using
their preferred brand as opposed to an unbranded equivalent, even though the
two products might be exactly the same — the brand frame activates
expectations, and these, in turn, influence the subjective, perceived
product experience without us being aware of this influence. Our perception,
and hence, our product experience, is created mainly by implicit processes in
the autopilot.
The pudding experiment shows
that expectations are part of the autopilot. We expect a brown pudding to taste
like chocolate and this expectation changes, in the background, the subjective
taste experience.
In addition to implicit
expectations, there are implicit attitudes. For example, while most of us have
positive attitudes towards healthy food at an explicit level, the autopilot has
a different take. A study found that the less a product was presented as
healthy, the better its taste ratings were before, during, and after
consumption. The autopilot uses the rule "unhealthy = tasty."
This implicit attitude frames
the experience irrespective of the stated, explicit attitude. It explains the
failure of Pizza Hut's low-cal pizza or the fat-reduced McLean burgers — the
subjective taste changes when we eat a burger that we know contains less fat.
So we have reached the first
stop in our journey to understanding the why of consumer behavior. What has
emerged is that we have an analytical framework to manage the explicit and
implicit level of decision making. Let's now see how we can build on this to
increase the effectiveness of marketing.
The Moment of Truth: Decoding
Purchase Decisions
We have seen that there are two
systems driving our decisions: the autopilot and the pilot. But when we are
standing in front of a shelf in a supermarket or comparing alternative service
providers, how do we arrive at our decision? What determines whether we buy one
brand or another? In this section, we'll explore these crucial questions and
unlock the underlying principles of purchase decisions.
In a groundbreaking experiment,
neuroscientist Brian Knutson of Stanford University and his colleagues wanted
to find out if it was possible to predict purchase behavior by analyzing neural
activity. His research began with images of products and brands — for example a
box of chocolates — shown for a few seconds. Then the price appeared on the
screen, and finally the respondents had to state, by pushing a button, whether
they would buy the chocolates or not.
Brain activities were measured
during the entire time using brain imaging (fMRI). This showed that the
picture of the product or brand increases the activation of the so-called
"reward system," which is known to be triggered when we value
something. It's as if the brain says, "I want to have this."
This wanting is based upon the
value that we expect the product to deliver. In our associative memory, we have
experiences with the brand — from using it directly or indirectly, from
processing its advertising, or from seeing other people using it. Based on this
associative learning, we have an expected value delivered by the brand. If this
expected value is high, then the reward system shows a high level of
activation. If the value is low, then the level of activation will also be low.
What happened when the price
was also shown? An entirely different area of the brain was activated, namely
the insula. This area is normally activated when we experience pain — for
example, when we cut our finger or if we are excluded from a group. In other
words, when looking at price, the brain experiences pain.
This makes intuitive sense.
Products and brands reward us because they help us to achieve our goals. Prices
imply giving away something we already own, and which is of significant value
to us: money. That this is coded as a painful experience seems reasonable.
The scientists then uncovered
the underlying principle that determines whether the brand or product will be
bought or not. If the relationship between reward and pain exceeds a certain
value, people are willing to purchase this item for this price. Our brain
calculates a kind of "net value" and if this is high enough — if the
difference between reward and pain is great enough — then we buy.
Knutson's results show that
purchase decisions are based on a reward/pain relationship. This means that in
marketing we have two levers to influence consumer decision making — reward and
pain — and that they can be independently addressed. In order to make consumers
buy, we can increase reward and at the same time decrease pain.
The goal is to increase the
"net value" the brain calculates based on the expected reward of the
product and the price. This enables the same piece of advertising to focus on
the value that the brand or service offers, but also to include a "hard
sell" price message such as "for a limited time, 30 percent
off." The first message increases the expected reward, the second reduces
the pain, and the unity of both increases the net value.
This simple but fundamental
basis of decision making explains why Starbucks can command a premium price for
its coffee. The reward triggered by the brand increases the perceived value,
which makes us less resistant to the higher price. The price is higher but,
correspondingly, the reward is too, so that, subjectively, a better value-cost
relationship exists than that for cheap coffee.
The reward is based on a
combination of implicit and explicit value. We know a lot about the explicit
value that a product needs to deliver. For example, a shower gel needs to
clean, it must smell good, it has to produce foam, and so on. Consumers have no
problem telling us what they want at a functional level. The challenge is that
all shower gels in the market deliver this basic value, and differentiation at
this level is hard to achieve.
The "Dynamic Pulse"
shower gel from Adidas is still a shower gel, fulfilling all the explicit needs
that consumers have. But in this case, the packaging adds extra value through
framing. The shape of the bottle is reminiscent of motor oil, which suggests
that the shower gel can help the user to refuel and kick-start. It makes the
shower a more energizing experience because this signal is processed by the
autopilot and it increases the overall net value of the product in the
consumer's mind.
The same principles and
mechanisms that increase perceived value can be used for managing price
perception: As with value, there is an explicit and an implicit level of cost.
The explicit level of cost is clear: It is the objective price point. But even
here there is an implicit level. Instead of lowering the real price, we can
change the perceived price with contextual signals that the autopilot
"understands."
For example, researchers found
that when the same price of $4.99 was presented five different ways, people
perceived it very differently. The price with a shiny star above it was rated
as the most expensive, much more so than when the same price was presented
simply as black on white. In turn, black on white was rated as more expensive
than a price with the words "Discount Price" next to it, which in
turn was rated more expensive than the price accompanied by the words
"Special Price." The cheapest perceived price was one that was shown
along with an "old" price that was crossed out.
Objectively, the price is
always the same, but the valuation of the "pain" is different due to
its presentation and, therefore, the impact is very different.
Another approach to reduce
perceived cost is a mechanism called "anchoring." When Steve Jobs
introduced the iPad, he said that pundits expected Apple to price it at under
$1,000. A giant "$999" came up on his presentation screen. When he
announced the actual price, the "$999" price was then visibly crushed
by a falling "$499." So the final price point appeared to be a very
good deal — it reduced the perceived cost. The first price is the anchor, and
the next price is evaluated relative to this anchor.
Other research shows that
prices ending in the number "9" are perceived as lower by the
autopilot. In a fascinating field experiment run by MIT scientists, a
mail-order company selling women's clothing tested an item that was priced
differently in three different versions of its catalogue: at $34, $39, and $44.
What happened? There were more sales at the $39 price than either of the other
two prices — in fact, 23 percent more people bought the dress at $39 than at
the lower price of $34.
Decoding the Interface: How the
Autopilot Perceives Touchpoints
Perception is the door through
which our marketing activities enter the mind of the consumer. This part of the
summary shows how perception works and how we can use the core insights to
optimize our marketing activities.
To illustrate how powerful
perception is and how it influences our decisions, consider two bottle shapes:
One is taller and concave through the middle, while the other is shorter and
wider.
Most people anticipate that the
taller bottle has greater volume, yet both bottles hold the same. Why is this?
Priya Raghubir, Professor of Marketing at New York University, found that
consumers use the height of a package as the dominant signal, leading to more
purchases and increased consumption.
But why? Our perception is not
an equal 1:1 representation of the world. What we see is an interaction between
the objective signal and the experiences stored in our memory and expectations
derived from these memories. Vertically elongated packages are perceived to
contain more volume because we have implicitly learned that taller objects are
often bigger — such as an elephant versus a mouse — and we transfer this rule
of thumb to judge volume.
This leads to a broader
principle: Marketing has to reflect the way our brains create our perception of
the world. We imagine that we see everything in high resolution and full color.
This is our subjective view of the world: It feels as if we had a camera
sitting on our eyes. However, the reality could not be more different.
We actually see only a small
part of a scene in sharp focus and in color, and the rest becomes more and more
blurred and loses more and more color towards the periphery of our field of
vision.
For advertising, the
implication is that if we can communicate the brand and its value, even through
peripheral vision, then we will be much more effective since our ads will
communicate even when a consumer's focus is on something else.
If we could look at a
retailer's shelf through the lens of the autopilot, the products would be
blurred. None of the text could be read. All we would see are colors, shapes,
and sizes.
For this reason, a useful
exercise is to blur ads, packaging designs, and Web sites and ask what is
perceivable in this "blurred mode." Does the brand come through? How
differentiated are we?
In one study, print ads from
Garnier and Dove emerged as the most effective in communicating product and
brand, even in highly blurred versions, after an exposure of less than 100
milliseconds. This is less than one-tenth of a second, or one quarter of the
blink of an eye. This has obvious advantages when the average "dwell
time" on a giant ad in a popular magazine is less than two seconds.
The fact that consumers
perceive brands and products through the blur of peripheral vision has
implications for top brands as well as private labels. In many cases, the
"copycat" colors on the package of a generic brand look strikingly
similar to the familiar package of a heavily advertised brand. This is
beneficial for the private label, but not for the branded product.
Another finding is that when
our brains see a light blue package, we expect the product to be
"light," or low in calories or fat. Based on associative learning, we
learn that the probability is high that if a product uses a light blue in its
packaging it is a light product.
But what if we see a car
colored like this? Or a shirt? We don't recognize these as light products
because recognition is context sensitive. Our experience from the visual world
dictates our predictions about what other objects to expect in a scene, and
their spatial configuration.
MIT neuroscientist Moshe Bar
and his team found two working streams in the brain that, together, enable
recognition. One stream focuses on the object we are looking at and the other
stream processes information about the context we are in. For example, when
blurred, a hairdryer and a power drill look identical; so the brain uses the
other nearby objects — such as hairbrushes or hammers — to identify the object.
Recognition is driven by both
the object and the context in which the object is placed. In this way, the
brain answers the question, "What is it?"
The second major question the
brain "asks" when perceiving something is: "What does it stand
for?"
Let's have a closer look at
this crucial second step in decoding brands and products.
Imagine you are invited to the
birthday party of one of your work colleagues and as a present you bring her a
bouquet of roses. This is likely to lead to an uncomfortable situation because
roses stand for romance and love. A sunflower, in contrast, stands for
happiness. They mean different things and this meaning determines the perceived
value in a given context.
What happens in the brain is
this: After we have recognized what an object is, this information is
translated into a mental concept where additional meaning is applied. We see
the rose, we recognize it is a rose, and then our associative memory activates
prototypical things we have already learned about roses, such as occasions
where we came across a rose. By this process, we apply meaning.
A luxury car in the driveway is
only partly about the need for transportation; the concept is social status.
Dozens of studies have teased out the many ways in which such concepts can
influence people's purchase or consumption, over and above the physical product
itself.
Rounded logos, for example, are
generally perceived as more harmonious and less aggressive than angular logos.
Likewise, studies have demonstrated a relationship between a product's relative
height and perceived dominance.
Therefore, we should not judge
visuals, colors, font types, or shapes on the basis of whether something is
aesthetically pleasing. Rather, we should ask what the signal stands for, and
which concept it triggers.
We have now experienced how the
brain recognizes products and brands, and how it recodes signals into concepts,
using the context within which the signals are perceived.
One key question remains,
though: How do we allocate attention to signals? What determines whether we pay
attention to this or that product, ad, or package design?
Again, it comes back to the
basic principle of decision making: It is based on value.
If we're hungry, our autopilot
scans the environment and directs our focus to the signals that promise to fit
with our goals, such as a McDonald's sign. If we are looking for shoes, our
focal attention is guided towards other signals such as shop windows. In other
words: Value drives attention.
Many studies show that our
current goals guide the automatic allocation of our attention. Looking for a
can of Coke will enhance processing of red areas in our visual input by
increasing the neuronal sensitivity for that particular color. Therefore, red
cans will be seen with higher attention and thus noticed more quickly compared
with, for example, blue cans.
The same scenario plays out
when we are in a supermarket aisle. The autopilot will search for signals that
"tell" us, based on input that is mostly blurred, which of these
packages most probably fits our goals best.
But there is another element of
perception that influences how much attention we pay to something: perceptual
fluency.
For example, imagine that you
were to look at two nearly identical pictures of a piece of cake; the only
difference is that in one picture a fork is on the left of the cake, and in the
other image the fork is on the right. Which one would lead to the highest
purchase intent?
If you thought the one with the
fork on the right, you're correct: It resulted in a 20 percent increase in
purchase intent. But why? The only difference is the orientation of the fork.
Why should something so trivial affect our behavior? Simply because it's a
better fit to what we normally perceive if we are right-handed. What we are
familiar with requires less effort to process and is therefore valued more
highly by the autopilot.
Before we move on, let's
discuss how the brain perceives prices. It turns out that our brain processes
prices using very similar principles as when we're seeing, hearing, or
touching. Most importantly, price perception is influenced, like all of our
senses, by context and is therefore fundamentally relativistic. Previously, we
saw that perceived cost can be reduced by contextual signals such as how the
price is presented.
However, does the distance, or
spacing, between the two prices matter? This was the question that a study by
pricing researcher Keith Coulter looked into. The result? The greater the
physical horizontal distance between a reference price and a discount price,
such as "Was $7" and "Now $5," the greater the perceived difference
between the two prices.
In other words, to show that
the new price is significantly lower, put more white space between it and the
old price. The perceived price discount increases with physical distance, and
so does the probability of purchase.
Optimizing the Path to
Purchase: The Decision Interface Makers the Difference
The next step in our journey
through the autopilot is to optimize the decision interface.
The commonly held view in
marketing is that, in order to change behavior, it's first necessary to change
attitudes. However, research shows that the decision interface can profoundly
influence behavior without people even realizing it.
For example, an experiment at
Cornell University focused on improving students' eating habits. The
traditional approach would be to use an internal "advertising"
campaign to change students' attitudes towards high-calorie food; studies have
found, however, that such campaigns make very little impact on actual behavior.
Brian Wansink, Professor of
Consumer Behavior at Cornell, approached this topic in a very different way. In
his experiment, he didn't change any items on the menu, he only changed how it
was presented — he changed the decision interface.
·
Broccoli
was moved to the very beginning of the lunch line, increasing its consumption
by 10-15 percent.
·
Including
fruit within the price of the lunch, but having to pay separately for a cookie,
led to 71 percent more fruit being consumed and 55 percent fewer cookies.
·
Relocating
the salad bar away from the wall and placing it in front of the checkout
register tripled sales of salads.
The principle that behavior is
highly influenced by the decision interface even works for nutrition experts,
as another study by Wansink shows. The experts were attending an
"ice-cream social" to celebrate the success of a colleague. They were
randomly given either a small or a large bowl and either a small or a large
ice-cream scoop.
Even though they were experts
on nutrition, when they were given a larger bowl they served themselves 31
percent more ice cream without being aware of it. Their servings increased by
14 percent when they were given a larger serving scoop.
This illustrates a fundamental
result of decision science: Decisions are strongly influenced not only by what is
presented but, to a high degree, by how it is presented.
In marketing, we are constantly
searching for ways to gain a competitive edge over the competition by
developing new products and features and improving quality. However, there is a
big opportunity to gain competitive edge by improving the decision interface
through changing small things at low cost. The impact can be highly
disproportionate to the investment required.
So, let's look more concretely
at how this can help. Scientists conducted a field experiment with a carwash
and its customers using "loyalty cards" as the decision interface.
Customers had the card stamped each time they used the carwash and they could
collect stamps to obtain a free wash.
·
One
half of the customer base required ten stamps in order to receive the free
wash. Their cards had already been stamped twice — therefore, another eight car
washes were required for a free wash.
·
The
other half of the customers received a card without any "free"
stamps, but they needed only eight stamps rather than ten.
Since both groups of customers
had to buy eight car washes in order to get the free one, they should be just
as likely to make the purchases that would trigger the bonus.
But something entirely
different happened. The customers who had received the pre-stamped cards were
twice as likely to buy the additional eight carwashes compared with the group
without the free stamps.
What happened? The signal of
"two stamps" had triggered what's known as "process
endowment": The customer was already on his way to filling the card and
this activated the goal to finish the process.
Framing the task as one that
has already been started and is incomplete, rather than one that has not yet
begun, leads to people being more committed to completing the task and,
moreover, they complete the task more quickly. This small and cost-neutral
change to the decision interface has a significant impact on sales.
Similarly, consider the effect
of a small change to the menu in a restaurant in Europe offering a daily
"special." The prices on a menu were displayed in three different
ways:
1.
Numerical
with Euro sign: 10,00 €
2.
Numerical
without Euro sign: 10
3.
In
written form: Ten euro
The numerical display without
the Euro sign was the most successful. Each table spent a full 5 Euros more if
they had menus with prices not referencing the Euro, compared with the two
other groups. Why? Prices activate the pain area in the brain, and this result
shows that the pain was perceived to be higher when the symbol or word for
"Euro" was tangible.
Without a tangible signal for
cost, the price was perceived to be less costly. This tiny change, one which
was easy and cost nothing to implement, had a huge impact on the customers'
purchase decisions and resulted in increased revenue for the restaurant.
Another principle of decision
science is that we dislike losses more than we like gains of an equivalent
amount. An energy company found that when it communicated to its customers that
switching to energy-saving mode would save (and therefore they would gain) $200
a year, very few customers signed up.
However, when the company
changed the message to show that by not switching to energy-saving mode
customers would lose $200, there was an extremely positive response. The
mechanism behind that is loss aversion: Avoiding loss is valued more highly
than gaining something of the same monetary value.
Most measures of loss aversion
find that people place approximately twice the value on giving up an item than
they do on receiving it. The value-cost equation in the autopilot is skewed,
indicating that emphasizing the money that people will lose by not taking an
action will motivate them more than telling them what they can save.
Small changes in the decision
interface can have a huge impact on purchase decisions and sales. The
underlying mechanisms in these three examples, like process endowment or loss
aversion, are automated decision rules — heuristics — that can be deliberately
activated by the interface and that, in turn, influence our perception of value
and cost. These heuristics are rules of thumb that the brain uses in response
to situations and environments. They are fully automatic and thus allow for
rapid, autopilot decision making with little effort. The benefit of these
decision rules is that we can decide very quickly and intuitively without
energy-consuming reflective thinking.
The following three
meta-principles help to optimize our decision interfaces:
1.
Tangibility:
To trigger heuristics, there must be tangible and perceptible signals.
2.
Immediacy:
The autopilot prefers immediate rewards compared with future rewards.
3.
Certainty:
The autopilot prefers the safe, certain choice.
There's another aspect that makes
implicit decision rules so attractive for marketers: They work internationally.
Researchers tried to understand
how sales can be influenced by the structure of an offer. They used the example
of ordering pizza in both the U.S. and Italy. Consumers were asked to either build
up from a base product by adding extra toppings, or to scale
down from a fully loaded product by subtracting toppings.
In both countries consumers
ended up with twice as many ingredients when required to remove items from the
offer instead of adding them. This, of course, means higher revenue and profit
for the seller.
In a related study, consumers
presented with a "fully loaded" car and given the opportunity to
remove optional features in order to save money ended up with a more expensive
set of features than those presented with a basic model and given the
opportunity to add features.
Adding features or toppings
focuses attention on increasing the price, whereas subtracting is all about
reducing the costs. The marketing implications of this are clear. Starting with
a large number of components or features and allowing consumers to scale down
from there leads to the acceptance of a higher-priced product than starting
with a basic product and asking consumers to build up from it.
But why do people want a car or
pizza anyway? To answer this question, we need to look into another key driver
of purchase decisions: the goals consumers pursue when buying products and
services.
Goals: The Driving Forces of
Purchase Decisions
To fully understand purchase
behavior, we need to understand what motivates people to buy products and
brands in the first place. Why do we buy what we buy?
A study in 2008 by three
leading neuroeconomists, Antonio Rangel, John O'Doherty and Hilke Plassmann,
monitored hungry people in a brain scanner during an auction in which the
respondents had to place bids in order to get items. Some of the items in the
auction were nonfood, while others were food items such as a candy bar.
The key result was that the
reward center in the brain determines willingness to pay for the food items.
Hungry participants were willing to pay more for a food item because the hungry
brain evaluated the food item as more rewarding. For satiated participants, the
food items were less rewarding and, hence, they were less willing to pay.
It appears plausible that if we
are hungry, and therefore have the goal to eat, we associate high value with a
product that fits this active goal and this, in turn, increases our willingness
to pay. Neuroscientists call this the goal value.
Of course, we don't always have
consistent, active goals in every situation. At work, we strive for achievement
and recognition, whereas at home, harmony and companionship are more important.
We have different active goals
when choosing a car than we do when buying toothpaste. The way the brain
derives the final decision is by establishing a relative ranking of the options
based on their relative goal value. It then chooses the one with the highest
overall goal value specific to the given context.
This explains why some
consumers consider purchasing our brand but, in the end, do not. Our product in
this case offers good goal value, but not the best. This is what
neuroeconomists refer to as the "winner takes all" effect. Only the
number one brand in the consumer's goal ranking will be chosen.
The calculations of goal value
and willingness to pay — no matter whether it is food, music, services or cars
— are mainly processed in the reward center. Based on experience and
expectations, our brain calculates the extent to which a product fits with, and
helps to achieve, our goals.
What does this mean for
marketing? Goals are the key concept to understand why we buy what we buy. We
buy drinks in order to quench our thirst. We buy detergents in order to clean
our clothes. We purchase a car because we want to drive from A to B, and we
choose the Volvo brand because we want to do that in the safest possible way.
Others have the goal to show off their wealth, so they drive a Porsche.
Products and brands are
instruments with which consumers achieve goals. Harvard Professor Clayton M.
Christensen refers to this requirement as the job for which a product is
"hired" by consumers. When people have a job that needs doing, when
they have a goal that they want to achieve, they hire products to do that job
for them. As marketers, we therefore need to create product experiences that
deliver these consumer goals.
If motivated behavior is driven
by goals that are currently active, it appears only logical that goals act as
the core criteria that the brain uses to filter incoming signals. If our goal
is to buy an energizing shower gel, our autopilot is tuned to look for signals
in the environment that promise to fulfill this goal. When we spot some
packaging that resembles motor oil and that carries the name "Dynamic
Pulse," the match is high and we turn our attention towards this product.
In other words, goals determine our attention — we notice things if they signal
high goal value.
An experiment at Duke
University demonstrates that brands are linked to goal achievement and that
goals can be activated and monitored at an implicit level.
Under the pretext of an eye
test, participants were placed in front of a monitor. They were shown pictures
and had to decide whether the picture could be seen on the left- or right-hand
side, while adding up numbers at the same time. This ensured that their
(limited) pilot system was at full capacity.
Immediately before showing the
pictures, the researchers displayed brand logos, but for such a short period of
time that they could only be processed implicitly in the autopilot. There were
two participant groups in this study — one was exposed to the IBM logo, the
other to the Apple logo.
Immediately afterwards,
participants were asked to perform a creativity test. They were asked, for
example, to name possible uses for a brick (other than its usual role in the
building of a wall). So a brick could be used as a paperweight, or as a hammer.
The astonishing result was that
those participants who had seen the Apple logo came up with significantly more
ideas than those who had seen the IBM logo. Additionally, the ideas from the
Apple group were rated by an independent jury as being much more creative.
This study shows that goals can
be implicitly activated in, and implicitly managed by, the autopilot. The Apple
logo changed the behavior of participants, without them being aware of this
process.
Another important lesson is
that when it comes to goals and goal value, there are two levels:
·
Explicit goals that are category-specific, such as moisturizing
our skin, reliability of a car, removing stains.
·
Implicit goals that are more general and that operate on a
psychological level, such as energizing, being sensible, fun, or status.
In marketing, we tend to focus
a lot on the category-specific, explicit goals. But which body lotion doesn't
claim to be nourishing? Which insurance company doesn't have to be reliable?
The explicit goals are the
reason why a product category emerges, so all competitors who want to survive
in the market have to meet these goals.
When we ask consumers about
brands and products, they will focus on the explicit goal level and talk about
quality, reliability, or price. The reason is, of course, that the implicit
level operates in the background and does not come to the fore when we ask
consumers such explicit questions.
However, there is little
difference between competitors at the explicit level, particularly in mature
markets. In order to deliver the highest possible goal value and to provide
differentiation, we have to address the implicit goals within our brands,
products, and communication.
In order to increase relevance
and, hence, willingness to pay, the key is to increase goal value on two
levels: an explicit level that is specific to a given product category, and an
implicit, psychological level that emerged long before products existed.
This psychological level of
goals is the key for developing differentiating propositions that go beyond the
explicit goal value, yet it is much more challenging to capture systematically
because we cannot simply ask consumers what it is.
Fortunately, recent advances in
neuroscience offer insights into better marketing.
The two most basic motivational
drives in our brain are:
1.
Promotion: approach, going forward, fighting, gain,
etc.
2.
Prevention: avoidance, protection, avoiding loss, etc.
These two motivational forces
date back to ancient times, when our choice for survival was either to fight or
to take flight. They are two sides of the same coin.
If we want to attract users of
a shampoo for colored hair, we can address a promotive motivation by claiming
that this shampoo makes the hair shine in brilliant colors. Or we can claim the
preventive proposition that this shampoo helps to avoid the loss of color.
Both propositions are possible.
To maximize relevance, we have to know which focus is the most dominant one for
the majority of customers.
Human motivation is, of course,
more elaborate than just prevention and promotion. Various scientific
disciplines show that out of the basic motivations of prevention and promotion,
there developed three motivations that are the key drivers of human behavior:
1.
Security: The main goals of this system are to avoid danger,
avoid change, keep the status quo, avoid uncertainty, strive for stability, and
not waste energy.
2.
Autonomy: The main goals of this system are to outperform
others, assert yourself, increase your power and influence, expand your
territory, and stay in control.
3.
Excitement: The main goals are to seek new and
unfamiliar stimuli, break out of the familiar, discover and explore your
environment, seek change, avoid boredom, and be different from others.
How do products and brands
serve these implicit goals? Let's have a look.
One brand of power drill
fulfills an autonomy goal by empowering the handyman. A different brand may
frame its drill with excitement goals by focusing on the innovative features.
Yet another brand may stress its longevity and durability, thereby addressing a
more security-oriented goal.
In practice, it makes sense to
supplement the three basic goal types by adding in their hybrid forms. Rock
climbing, for example, is a mix between autonomy goals, like getting to the
top, and excitement goals, such as vitality, fun, and discovery.
This results in a system of six
implicit goals:
1.
Security
2.
Enjoyment
3.
Excitement
4.
Adventure
5.
Autonomy
6.
Discipline
People differ in which goal
they want to achieve with a certain category. Ice cream can be a pragmatic
choice for dessert (discipline). It can be linked to autonomy in the case of
exclusive and sophisticated ice cream; it can help to achieve refreshment (excitement),
or the goal of indulgence or escapism (adventure).
Therefore, in order to provide
the best possible value proposition for our customers, we have to intertwine
explicit goals with implicit goals. To see how this can be done, let's imagine
we need to develop a proposition for a new car braking system.
The explicit goal that this
fulfills is obvious: preventing an accident by getting the car to stop more
quickly. Now to what implicit goal could this be potentially linked in order to
increase goal value?
Security is an obvious
candidate — we want to protect ourselves and our family by preventing
accidents. Excitement can also be linked to this feature and the explicit goal
— we can drive faster and enjoy driving more dynamically because the system enables
us to react more quickly. Autonomy can be linked to this as well, because
owning this advanced technology product provides superiority. The resulting
value propositions intertwine the explicit functional goals with the implicit
psychological goals.
But now we have developed three
potential value propositions. How do we choose the right one? At this point,
the brand comes into play. In order to be credible, the value proposition needs
to fit the brand.
For Volvo, the security
proposition would be credible. For Mercedes, in contrast, the superiority
proposition would be the right choice.
The connection between explicit
and implicit goals is not arbitrary: The entire product experience determines
which implicit goals can be credibly linked to the explicit goal.
Last Word
Based on what we have discussed
in this summary, marketing appears to be quite simple: We have to create a
value proposition consisting of both explicit and implicit goals, translate
this proposition into signals that will activate mental concepts within the
consumer, and then, if these mental concepts fit with the consumer's active
goal better than those activated by competitors, they will buy our brand or
product.
As a result, we now have a more
analytical, evidence-based framework to access consumer decision making. The
core insight behind this is the importance of the implicit level of decision
making. Integrating this implicit level into our day-to-day marketing practice
results in a paradigm shift, giving us an entirely new perspective from which
we can manage our products, services, and brands.
This new perspective offers us
a great opportunity to generate superior net value for our customers, and hence
to significantly increase our sales. It also helps us to close the
implementation gap between strategy and execution and, in doing so,
substantially reduces the risk of failure of new product developments and
relaunches, and also makes our advertising budgets more effective.
With the knowledge you've gained,
you're now ready to adopt this approach to brand management in your business.
About The Authors
Phil Barden is a proven marketer with
over 25 years' experience, including senior and international roles at high
profile companies such as Unilever, Diageo, and T-Mobile. Fascinated by the
insights from decision science and by the value these can bring to marketing,
he has latterly immersed himself in this new field.
The author is now one of very
few experts to combine a practitioner's perspective with a profound knowledge
of decision science, making him very much in demand among clients and
conference organizers alike.
If you want to keep up with the
latest insights from the fields of behavioral economics, psychology and
neuro-science, sign up to the author's regular Science Updates at:
www.decoded-book.com.
825
75th Street, Willowbrook, Illinois 60527
1-800-776-1910 • 1-630-734-0600 (fax) • www.audiotech.com
1-800-776-1910 • 1-630-734-0600 (fax) • www.audiotech.com
No comments:
Post a Comment